It is a sin against truth, a violation of human dignity, and an affront to the Body of Christ
https://www.ucanews.com/news/red-tagging-in-the-philippines-is-not-always-about-ideology/109204
It starts with an accusation. Not a bullet. Not a court case. Just one label thrown loud enough to stick: “communist-terrorist.” In the Philippines, that’s all it takes. One red tag, and your work, your words, and your life — become expendable.
Red-tagging is the Philippine government’s shortcut to silence. It doesn’t argue. It accuses. It doesn’t need facts — just fear. Once it spreads through barangay halls, lectures, pulpits, and social media feeds, the damage is done.
Marketed as a security policy, red-tagging functions as propaganda. Labor unions, youth groups, Church workers, and human rights defenders are lumped into one fabricated threat. Dissent is no longer part of democracy — it’s branded as subversion.
The May 2025 elections unfolded under this climate of intimidation. According to the International Observer Mission (IOM), organized by the International Coalition for Human Rights in the Philippines (ICHRP), there were 577 documented cases of red-tagging during the campaign period.
Red-tagging was not incidental to the elections; it was the strategy. Community-rooted candidates were branded as terrorists, their events disrupted, and their lives endangered. “The massive scale of problems identified in the 2025 elections rendered the elections neither free nor open, honest nor fair,” said Dr. Andrea Mann, IOM Commissioner and Anglican Church of Canada representative.
Groups like Kabataan and Alliance of Concerned Teachers (ACT Teachers) weren’t just campaigning — they were dodging roadblocks, smears, and surveillance. Events were cancelled. Offices were raided. On local radio and online platforms, they were painted as threats rather than legitimate candidates.
Bayan Muna, a party-list group under the Makabayan bloc — once a powerful bloc for grassroots legislation — is now on the brink of disappearing. After two electoral defeats, it risks delisting under Philippine electoral law. Red-tagging blurred its identity and drowned out its legislative track record. A political alternative rooted in the poor has been recast as a public threat.
It isn’t only activists and candidates who are targeted.
Cardinal Pablo Virgilio David, now president of the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the Philippines, was red-tagged by then-president Rodrigo Duterte, accused of drug involvement for merely speaking out. His nightly rosary walks had to stop. Pope Francis himself expressed concern and offered support.
Church workers have not been spared. The Rural Missionaries of the Philippines, the United Church of Christ, and the Iglesia Filipina Independiente have all been red-tagged for their work with farmers, Indigenous communities, and the poor. Catholic congregations, Protestant pastors, and international missionaries like Sister Patricia Fox have faced harassment and deportation. Their real “crime?” Living out their faith through justice.
The message is chilling: serve the people, and you’re a suspect.
Even the Commission on Elections (COMELEC) tried to appear responsive by issuing Resolution No. 11116 in February 2025, which explicitly banned red-tagging during the campaign period.
However, according to the IOM, red-tagging continued — and worsened.
ICHRP reports indicate that it became the most prevalent campaign violation, accounting for up to 79 percent of all documented violations. These persistent abuses highlighted the lack of effective enforcement and accountability, underscoring that the resolution alone, nor the Supreme Court ruling declaring red-tagging a threat to life and security, was sufficient to curb the practice.
The IOM report also underscored major failures in the electoral system itself. Malfunctioning automated counting machines, misprinted or pre-marked ballots, and the use of non-certified software all contributed to widespread voter disenfranchisement.
Overseas absentee voters faced broken registration systems and bureaucratic delays, resulting in a historically low 18.12 percent turnout among Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs). At home, the refusal to declare election day a paid holiday forced many workers and the poor to choose between voting and their daily wage.
Meanwhile, vote-buying reached scandalous levels, with reports of up to ₱16,000 (US$287) offered per vote — an obscene figure that laid bare how deeply inequality distorts democracy.
On election day, observers noted a uniformed military and police presence at polling stations, creating an atmosphere of intimidation. At least 311 vote-counting machines broke down. Some international observers were blocked or harassed.
Meanwhile, dynasties and political elites tightened their grip. Of the 156 certified party-list groups, nearly half were linked to traditional political families.
Red-tagging isn’t new. Ferdinand Marcos Sr. used it to justify Martial Law in 1972. Duterte brought it roaring back. Ferdinand Marcos Jr. has made it quieter — but no less dangerous. With funding and policy cover, the National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict (NTF-ELCAC) operates across regions and sectors.
Human rights defenders like Hailey Pecayo and journalists like Cong Corrales have been publicly accused, harassed, and threatened. Karapatan Secretary-General Cristina Palabay has received rape and death threats. These are not isolated incidents — they are part of a broader script to silence dissent.
The IOM’s final report called for clear and urgent reforms: abolish the NTF-ELCAC; criminalize red-tagging; restore the independence of the Commission on Elections; and implement electoral transparency measures, including a hybrid system with manual verification and strong citizen oversight.
It also urged the swift passage of the long-delayed Anti-Dynasty Bill and the Philippines’ return to the International Criminal Court (ICC) — bold steps meant to restore democratic space, end impunity, and rebuild public trust.
The IOM also raised concerns over the timing and scope of the US-led Balikatan military exercises, which overlapped with the Philippine midterm elections. These joint war games involved more than 15,000 troops and were portrayed as defensive, but in practice, contributed to a climate of fear, tipping public opinion in favor of pro-US and pro-Marcos candidates.
Candidates pushing for an independent foreign policy were red-tagged as “Beijing’s puppets.” The report called this a violation of Philippine sovereignty and a distortion of democratic space.
What’s often overlooked is the spiritual cost. Red-tagging erodes the Christian ability to live out Gospel values. It punishes the works of mercy. In this climate, feeding the hungry or defending the landless is treated not as compassion but as subversion.
Red-tagging must be named for what it is. It cannot be softened with vague condemnations. It is a sin against truth, a violation of human dignity, and an affront to the Body of Christ.
To be called “red” in today’s Philippines is not always about ideology. Often, it simply means standing with workers, farmers, youth, and the poor. It means walking alongside those whose voices are ignored or distorted. That isn’t insurrection. It’s the Gospel in action.
Jesus, too, was red-tagged — branded a threat to Caesar, accused of stirring unrest. The cross wasn’t just an execution. It was a warning. And yet, the early Church did not deny the charge. They turned it into a witness.
If those in power insist that red is dangerous, then perhaps it is time to remember: red has always been the color of faith — worn on the feasts of martyrs, on the Day of Pentecost, and at ordinations. It is the color of martyrdom, of courage, of truth spoken at great cost.
Let red be faith’s reply to fear — a fire lit by love, not erased by power. ###